Rich Man's War, Poor Man's Fight: Race, Class, and Power in by Jeanette Keith

By Jeanette Keith

In the course of global battle I, hundreds of thousands of rural southern males, black and white, refused to serve within the army. a few didn't sign up for the draft, whereas others abandoned after being inducted. within the nation-state, armed bands of deserters defied neighborhood gurus; shooting them required the dispatch of federal troops into 3 southern states.Jeanette Keith strains southern draft resistance to a number of assets, together with whites' long term political competition to militarism, southern blacks' reluctance to serve a kingdom that refused to admire their rights, the peace witness of southern church buildings, and, primarily, anger at classification bias in federal conscription rules. Keith indicates how draft dodgers' good fortune in keeping off carrier resulted from the failure of southern states to create potent mechanisms for deciding upon and classifying members. missing local-level information on draft evaders, the government used businesses of surveillance either to discover reluctant conscripts and to squelch antiwar dissent in rural areas.Drawing upon hardly used neighborhood draft board experiences, Selective provider documents, Bureau of research experiences, and southern political leaders' constituent documents, Keith bargains new insights into rural southern politics and society in addition to the becoming energy of the geographical region in early twentieth-century the USA.

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Extra resources for Rich Man's War, Poor Man's Fight: Race, Class, and Power in the Rural South during the First World War

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Pro- and antiwar congressmen argued from a specifically southern cultural text but arrived at drastically different conclusions. Thus in the speeches of southern congressmen, statements about German aggression, submarine warfare, and international rights, the staples of congressional debate in April , run alongside evocations of the Civil War that illustrate how deeply contested its meaning still was. Claude Kitchin’s speech against the United States’ entry into the Great War provoked an immediate and self-consciously ‘‘southern’’ response.

Southern dirt farmers probably did not read Strunsky’s essay, which was published in  in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 18 Like the preparedness movement, antipreparedness forces were officially bipartisan; unlike the preparedness people, they also tended to be diverse ethnically, socially, and ideologically, drawing from German American communities, conservative Republicans, progressive pacifists and feminists, socialists, the labor unions, and farmers.

Bryan was holding his own in cabinet debates over the issue until the sinking of the British luxury liner Lusitania in May , with the loss of  American lives. When President Wilson responded in June by proposing to send Germany a formal protest note condemning submarine  Southern Antimilitarists warfare as a violation of the rights of humanity and demanding its immediate cessation, Bryan resigned. However, Bryan’s views circa  are reflected not only in Kitchin’s April  speech against the declaration of war but also in the words of ordinary white southerners against the war.

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